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TANZANIA MAY NOT BE A DICTATORSHIP BUT...

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TANZANIA MAY NOT BE A DICTATORSHIP, BUT HOMOPHOBES, SEXISTS AND MYSOGYNISTS ARE ENJOYING GREATER FREEDOM

Shangwe Muhidin

Recent political developments in Tanzania suggest that the revitalized debate on the state of politics in Tanzania is no longer on whether the country’s young democracy is in jeopardy but more if authoritarian tendencies of the current regime are justified. That was the takeaway from a conference held at the University of Dar es Salaam on November 1, 2018 in which President MagufulI attended as a “special participant,” according to organizers. The president wasted no time in warning that “democracy has limits.” 

It was a déjà vu for those in attendance. Last year, the president issued similar warnings, cautioning journalists that press freedom had its limits. “Not to that extent,” was the president’s uncompromising words shot to those who were dreaming of limitless freedom.

President Magufuli’s administration came at the backdrop of a public malaise resulting from his predecessor’s government. It almost made sense when, for instance, he and his supporters used the phrase kunyoosha nchi to justify any drastic measures his government took to rectify what we were now told were past mistakes. Kunyoosha nchi simply means to “straighten the country.” The country had maladministration wrinkles, it was about time someone ironed it.

 Even the most vocal in the call for a new constitution settled for this new buzz phrase: straightening before writing a new constitution. “This country needs constitutionalism, not a new constitution,” barked Humphrey Polepole who before his appointment as CCM’s Ideology and Publicity Secretary was the leading voice in the call for the new constitution. For a people that had lost hope in politics, let alone the government, this message resonated well.

However, this predisposition of those in power served as an automatic justification virtually for every decision made. In the name of straightening the country, public meetings by political parties have been banned, some artists have been banned/suspended or arrested for alleged indecency, and a good number of people are now facing sedition charges. Opposition politicians are crowding police cells accused of the most ridiculous of charges. 

In 2017, Godbless Lema, the Arusha Urban member of parliament spent four months behind bars after he was denied bail on several attempts. His crime? He had announced that, deep in his sleep, he dreamt of President Magufuli’s passing before 2020! Note that the next presidential elections will be held in that year. As I write this piece, Kigoma Urban Member of Parliament and a firebrand opposition figure, Zitto Kabwe, has just been released on bail after being remanded for ~48 hours on sedition charges. 
Much as it has been three difficult years for democracy enthusiasts in the country in general, those sympathetic of the regime, and still harbor egalitarian values in their consciousness are having it worse. Many times they have been compelled to come out to offer explanations even for matters which defy common-sense. Most of them feel they just have to defend the regime.

So, when President Magufuli warned alleged trouble makers in the Southern regions of Lindi and Mtwara that he would start dealing with them by beating up their aunts (shangazi, in Kiswahili), the ruling party’s women wing, UWT, rallied behind him saying the pronouncement was okay by any measure. It was after strong criticism by activists who had rightly pointed out the president’s statement was sexist and promoted violence against women, a common practice in our communities. I am not saying UWT is a democratic institution at heart, but one gets a feel of how far regime sycophants are ready to go to impress.

Similarly, when the president encouraged Dar es Salaam residents to give birth to as many children as they wished, the Health Minister, Ummy Mwalimu, felt the urge to explain; she insisted that family planning was still an official government policy and that the president was only joking! But no, the president has since repeated his call to ditch family planning, not once but twice, and the minister must have felt it is wise to duck the issue altogether. Perhaps aware that the president wasn’t joking, she has remained quiet. 

Such is the state of politics in the country. Fear. Uncertainty. Flattery. Silence. Etc.

Now, homosexuality has returned to Tanzanian public discourse after the Dar es Salaam Regional Commissioner (whom I will call City Governor for his domineering authority) announced a manhunt on gay people. It must be said that, despite a very strict legislation which makes homosexuality a crime, the government’s position on this issue has for a long time been not less than playing the proverbial ostrich. Bury the head in the sand and pretend it does not exist, act hastily and often clumsily when there is a trigger of the sort of the recent sextape. To put this into perspective, in 2016 it banned the sale of lubes in a bid to curb homosexuality!
What prompted this latest debate on homosexuality is a sextape involving a man and a woman engaging in the act of sodomy. Just to be clear here, what is in the video was not an act of homosexual sex. It was two heterosexuals indulging in their sexual escapades. But ours is a society that sniffs danger and act fast. The enemy was swiftly identified and the manhunt declared: apprehend all gay people. 

Typical of a patriarchal society, the young lady has become something of a public enemy while her male ‘partner in crime’ enjoys less scrutiny. Few even know his name. Indeed, the whole discourse on homosexuality only demonizes gay people and almost offers amnesty to straight men who sleep with them. In a show of masculine insecurity, female homosexuals/lesbians usually do not receive similar condemnation.

Nevertheless, it was time to get to work for the City Governor. He promptly requested the public to cooperate by texting him names of any gay person they knew. It’s not the smartest of methods but it’s not the first time he has used it. Last time seemed not so successful. He had urged the public to unfollow gay people on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook or face the wrath of the law. Nothing happened, at least in what is in the public knowledge. 
Perhaps more determined this time, he has announced to have received names of hundreds of suspects hours after his plea to the public. What happens remains to be seen but news of suspected gay people being physically attacked are beginning to emerge. A video showing a helpless young man being harassed by a group of people (men) has been circulating on social media. The harassers are heard threatening to apprehend and hand him over to authorities. 

The Governor’s antics are defining features of our current crop of politicians, one of which is their tireless attempts to impress their appointing powers (and to a lesser extent the public). Under pressure to deliver, they go out of their ways inventing roles beyond their job description. Pedestrian in their understanding of leadership, they have resorted to appealing to people’s moral values while the cities they govern have no public toilets! Their moral compass stubbornly revolves around Victorian morality, so much that the gulf between politics and religion is narrowing by day.
Few days after his declaration of the war against gay people, the Governor was seen attending a service in church, soaked in tears. He later explained that he was seeking divine intervention to get rid of this evil, adding that he had gone to the altars to repent on behalf of the city and its people. See, for the likes of the Governor, homosexuality is ungodly before it’s illegal; anyone in the fight against the evil becomes God’s foot soldier. It’s a holy war, too tempting to be ignored by, in most cases, men (not women) of God!

At the same time one rapper (stage name Dudubaya) who has no relevance in the current music scene has begun posting a series of videos and interviews in which he openly names people he accuses of being homosexual. He has quickly regained his lost fame for exaggerated ‘bravery.’ He speaks with confidence, pays no or little attention to the fact that false accusation can render him defamation charges. Such is the audacity of a homophobe in Tanzania. Following the infamous pardoning of two child rapists in December 2017 by the president, one would be forgiven to think that in this country it’s better to be a child molester than gay. Sad.

On the other hand, attacks on women are no longer isolated incidents in Tanzania. Consider this video here where a woman is physically assaulted by shameless men after being accused of prostitution and extortion. Her attackers have no shred of fear of breaking the law. Attacks on women are not necessarily physical. So, when the Unguja Magharibi police chief warned the public in May 2018 that making sexualized sounds such as whistling amounted to sexual harassment it was nothing than a source of ridicule on the internet as sexists and misogynists dismissively ridiculed the warning.

Not long ago, a hash tag #Umama dominated social media spaces in the country. Umama means motherhood or femininity, but here it is employed as a derogative term for men who “act like women”. Insult after insult, ridicule after ridicule, we were schooled how men ought to behave as men, and not, despicably, as women. It was an extension of hatred towards women on the one hand and stupid hyper-masculinity on the other. 
Motherhood, a symbol of life, care and love is now being presented as something shameful that “real men” should try to avoid. When taken to task, supporters of this assault hid behind the banner of utani (jokes), blatantly displaying their ignorance of psychological damage that such jokes may have on the self-esteem of those on the receiving end of it all, or on the minds of our young ones. They are reproducing patriarchal socialization.

The unintelligent Umama joke came as another equally foolish joke which pits the masculine men of rural and less urbanized places of the country against “men of Dar es Salaam” who are assumed to be less masculine and thus feminine, weak and bad. The latter are just too feminine for the former to stand: they are too emotional, they cry in public, they eat french fries (locally known as chips) instead of ugali, they watch romantic TV series instead of hyper-violent Hollywood movies, they do manicure and pedicure, and they even do massage! 

Tanzania is not an ideal democracy even by our African standards. But these tendencies of homophobia, sexism, and misogyny are now happening in the new age of the internet. More than ever we are able to read the minds of people on their posts. The keyboard is exposing the best and worst amongst us. 

At the same time the political leadership is not helping matters when it issues statements that either condone homophobia, sexism, and misogyny or are just indifferent. A wife beater must have found comfort in the president’s words that he would beat up our shangazi. When the president emphatically spoke against reintegration of pregnant school girls in the education system, he somehow promoted the tradition which condemned girl children as they are coming to terms with the dynamics of their biological makeup. When a government minister tweets derogative words such as machoko (faggots) to refer to homosexuals, homophobes are encouraged to victimize gay people. And when the political leadership remains tight-lipped when our mothers and sisters are harassed in the streets and on online spaces, it is the sexists and misogynists who are enjoying our freedom! 
They should not be allowed to. 

Kwa Nini Waandishi Mahiri wa Safu Wanapungua?

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Kwa Nini Waandishi wa Safu Wanapungua?

Na Ezekiel Kamwaga

MIAKA kumi ya utawala wa Rais Jakaya Kikwete itakumbukwa kwa kuwa na kada maarufu ya waandishi wa safu mahiri ambao waliongeza sana mauzo ya magazeti na kulisha maarifa na taarifa mbalimbali kwa wasomaji wake.

Ingawa ni utawala wa Ali Hassan Mwinyi ndiyo uliofungua milango kwa vyombo vya habari binafsi kufanya kazi zake, kilele cha utendaji na kufahamika kwake kilikuwa wakati wa utawala wa Kikwete ambapo mitandao ya kijamii ilisaidia kupaisha umaarufu wa waandishi hao wa safu.

Katika miaka ya awali ya Rais Mwinyi, waandishi kama Stanley Kamana (RIP), Ndimara Tegambwage, na Kajubi Mukajanga walikuwa maarufu kwa sababu ya kazi zao murua kwa wasomaji.

Kwenye utawala wa Rais Benjamin Mkapa, gazeti maarufu zaidi lilikuwa RAI ambapo wanasafu kama Jenerali Ulimwengu, John Rutayisingwa (RIP), Johnson Mbwambo, na wengine wengi walikuwa wakitimiza wajibu wao wa kiuandishi ipasavyo.

Kuna wakati watu walikuwa hawanunui RAI kwa sababu ya kilichoandikwa nje (habari) bali walinunua kwa sababu walitaka kuwasoma wanasafu mahiri waliomo ndani.

Sitasahau namna watu walivyokuwa wakinunua RAI mwaka 2005 wakati Mhariri Mtendaji wa Habari Corporation wakati huo, Salva Rweyemamu, alipokuwa akifanya uchambuzi wa wasifu wa waliokuwa wamejitokeza kutaka kuwania urais wa Tanzania kupitia CCM. 

Kwenye utawala wa Kikwete, magazeti yaliyokuwa na wasomaji wengi kwa sababu ya wanasafu yalikuwa ni MwanaHALISI, Raia Mwema, na Tanzania Daima ambapo waandishi kama Privatus Karugendo, Joseph Mihangwa, Ansbert Ngurumo, Ulimwengu, Msomaji Raia, M.M Mwanakijiji, Saed Kubenea, na wengine walijipambanua kwa uandishi wao wenye kalamu kali.
Katika utawala wa Rais John Magufuli – walau kwa miaka hii mitatu ya kwanza, hakuna gazeti jipya wala wanasafu wapya waliojitokeza katika magazeti wanaosisimua watu kama ilivyokuwa huko nyuma.

Kimsingi, kama kuna mtu anayesomwa na watu wengi hivi sasa basi atakuwa ni Mange Kimambi ambaye si mwandishi kitaaluma lakini anaandika taarifa zake kupitia mitandao ya kijamii.

Mimi ninaamini kwamba umaarufu wa Mange unatokana na hali halisi iliyopo nyumbani. Wakati wa utawala wa Kikwete kulikuwa na Bunge lililooneshwa mubashara, vyama vya siasa viliweza kuzunguka mikoani kufanya kampeni na vyombo vya habari vilikuwa na uhuru mkubwa zaidi wa kukosoa kuliko ilivyo sasa.

Kwa sababu hali hiyo ya uhuru imebadilika hapa nchini, mfumo umeamua kutafuta njia nyingine ya kupumua ambayo sasa ndiyo amekuwa Kimambi. Mange alikuwa anaandika tangu wakati Kikwete akiwa madarakani lakini hakuwa maarufu sana kwa sababu aliyokuwa akiyasema yalikuwa yakisemwa hapa pia.
Hata hivyo, hii ni mada nyingine tofauti na mada ya leo. Turejee kwenye hoja yangu mahususi kuhusu kupotea kwa wale wanasafu mashuhuri au kupungua kwa makali ya safu zao.

Hakuna sababu moja pekee ambayo ndiyo imesababisha wanasafu wapungue. Nimekuwa nikiulizwa maswali kuhusu kutoonekana kwa Mbwambo kwenye gazeti la Raia Mwema lakini huyu ni mwandishi ambaye aliaga kabisa wakati akiandika makala yake ya mwisho.

Mbwambo ambaye ni mmoja wa wakurugenzi wa kampuni ya Raia Mwema, ameamua kwenda kuishi kijijini kwao wilayani Same mkoani Kilimanjaro tangu mwaka 2015. Huu ni uamuzi wa tofauti na wengine.

Wapo wanasafu ambao wameacha kuandika kwa sababu malipo wanayopewa na vyombo vya habari vya hapa nchini ni kiduchu na mbaya zaidi sasa hawalipwi kwa wakati au hawalipwi kabisa.

Vyombo vya habari vya Tanzania vinapita katika kipindi kigumu kimapato na hivyo vingi vinashindwa hata kulipa mishahara wafanyakazi wake. Chukulia kampuni kama Sahara Communications ambayo ina tatizo la mishahara kwa wafanyakazi wake kwa takribani miaka miwili sasa. 
Kampuni ambayo haiwezi kuwalipa wafanyakazi wake, inawezaje kuwalipa wanasafu ambao mara nyingi si waajiriwa wake? Kwa sababu ya kutolipwa, wapo wanasafu ambao wameamua kuacha kuandika ili kutumia muda wao kufanya mambo mengine.

Wanasafu wengine hawaonekani kwenye magazeti kwa sababu magazeti ambayo yangeweza kukubaliana na uandishi wao yamefungiwa na serikali. Wiki moja iliyopita nilikutana na aliyekuwa Mhariri wa MwanaHALISI, Jabir Idrissa, ambaye alinieleza kwamba kwa mwaka mzima sasa amekosa nafasi kwenye magazeti kwa sababu makala zake ‘zinaogopwa’ kwa kuwa zinaweza kusababisha gazeti kufungiwa.

Kwa hiyo, kama huoni makala za Jabir Idrissa, ujue sababu mojawapo ni hiyo.

Wapo pia wanasafu ambao wameamua kuacha kuandika kwa kuhofia kwamba wanaweza kuingia matatizoni na vyombo vya dola. Wameamua kutulia hadi pale watakapoona mazingira yamebadilika.

Kuna mwanasafu mmoja mashuhuri ambaye ameacha kuandika kwa madai kwamba siku hizi akiandika, makala zake huwa zinahaririwa kiasi cha kubadili kabisa alichotaka kukisema.

Badala ya kuandika na kushuhudia makala zake zikibomolewa na kuundwa upya, ameamua aache kuandika ili abaki na heshima yake ya nyuma.
Wapo wanasafu ambao sasa wamepata vyeo serikalini na kwa sababu hiyo hawawezi tena kuendelea na aina yao ya uandishi wa kukosoa iliyowapa umaarufu huko nyuma.

Kimsingi, kila anayepunguza makali au kuacha kabisa kuandika ana mojawapo ya sababu nilizozitaja hapo juu.

Resolving the Cyclic Cashew Crisis in Tanzania

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Resolving the Cyclic Cashew Crisis in Tanzania

Chambi Chachage

Tanzania has just witnessed a tale of the sacking of two Charles. One, the Minister who was responsible for agriculture and, another, for industries. What has been dubbed 'koroshow'is behind this, not least because the cashew board has also been dissolved alongside other related reshuffles. Korosho is the Swahili word for cashew.

For politicians from the opposition camp, this is that moment when they remind both the electorate and the government that 'we told you so.' Zitto Kabwe, the leader of ACT Wazalendo, continues to be a 'thorn in the flesh' of the ruling party and its government as he boldly presents facts after facts to shows what it takes to resolve the cashew crisis. As for the President, apart from firing and hiring, he has also asked the military to get ready to ship thousands of tons of unprocessed cashew if traders won't buy them for the stipulated price by Monday. The 'koroshow' has turned into a 'koroshodown.'

My task here is not to gauge their prospective solutions as I don't really know what they will actually achieve. In that regard, the best I can do is to wait and see. For me, the interest is to revisit potential solutions from scholars who have researched the matter in the past with the hope that we will be more attentive to the likes of them.
Let us start with Dr. Blandina Kilama whose PhD dissertation was on 'The diverging South: comparing the cashew sectors of Tanzania and Vietnam.' In an article aptly entitled 'Crisis Responses in the Cashew Industry: A Comparative Study of Tanzania and Vietnam', the economist looks at the impact of the global financial crisis on the crop. She shows how, compared to Vietnam, Tanzania only managed to protect the cashew farmers and not the processors.

One may argue that her article is outdated as it was published in 2009. However, the effects of the economic crisis she was referring to continue to linger. Moreover, it seems we are repeating some of the same mistakes. At that time, this is what she sharply observed:

"In Tanzania kernels production has fallen from 2006/07 to 2008/10, same with earnings falling in 2007/08 season.... As cashew continued to loose its price in the world market, processors found it difficult to buy cashew, while auctioning together with exporters. For example, the Premier Cashew Industries (PCI) halted processing cashew in 2009; similar option was thought by BUKO in Masasi."

Dr. Kilama wrote that nearly a decade ago but it sounds as if she is writing it now. In the case of Vietnam, in contrast to Tanzania, she notes, everyone made profit then. Why? Mainly because of an "incentive of 4% reduction in interest rates on loans taken for productive purposes that was introduced to curb for the credit tightening occurring due to decline in international trade."

Now let us go back a decade earlier. Dr. Joyce Nyoni and the late  Prof. Seithy Chachage published a research report on the 'Economic Restructuring and the Cashewnut Industry in Tanzania.'Among other things, they observed that the "buying of the crop was delayed and exporters could not export...." It is interesting to note that they referred to this as  a "crisis of cashewnut marketing in the buying season 2000/2001." They also quoted one farmer saying:

  “The government announced that we should not sell cashewnuts below the set price of Tsh.540/=. So we listened to them and when buyers came offering between Tsh300/= - 350/= we did not sell since we were already told that “walanguzi” will come to swindle us. Now they have left and we still have nuts in the house not knowing what we will do. It would have been much better if we had sold, even at a low price than having no money, while cashew is the main source of our income. The government has betrayed us and decided to let us suffer.”
Yes, that is not a farmer who is being quoted today - it is one who was quoted nearly two decades ago. Such cases from the past indicate that what we have is not simply a cashew crisis but a cyclic cashew crisis. And how do you resolve something that is cyclic?

By going back to the root cause and uprooting it once and for all! 

Hasira ni Udhaifu

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Hasira ni Udhaifu

Hasira hazijengi, wahenga walitwambia
Mbona sasa huzitengi, mwenzangu wazikumbatia
Tena kwa makeke mengi, bila hata kujutia
Hasira ni udhaifu

Ulitongoza kwa pole, huku ukinyenyekea
Ahadi tele na tele, na nyimbo kuniimbia
Nikakuchagua tule, dume nimejipatia
Hasira ni udhaifu

Ndoa ya kisheria, dunia ikashangilia
Mizinga na zumaria, vyote wakatupigia
Wadini walihudhuria, baraka kutupatia
Hasira ni udhaifu

Ndani tumeingia, hasira waniletea 
Hila zimekuingia, kila kitu wakemea 
Vitisho wanitishia, tena kwa kunionea 
Hasira ni udhaifu

Wanangu wawachukia, waziwazi wawambia
Vita wawatangazia, eti adabu kuwatia 
Huku ukiwatambia, ubabe ulojitwalia 
Hasira ni udhaifu

Wewe si mume wa kwanza, wanne wametangulia 
Ubabe utakuponza, wana watakuchukia
Hakika watakubeza, dharau kukujazia
Hasira ni udhaifu

Ulezi ni kuwafunda, pale wanapokosea
Kwa mapenzi bila inda, heshima utajijengea
Nasi tutakupenda, mapenzi kufurahia 
Hasira ni udhaifu

Hasira ni udhaifu, si sifa wala ujanja 
Watu kuwatia hofu, kamwe hutakidhi haja
Waonesha upungufu, wa ubaba wenye tija 
Hasira ni udhaifu

Unanipa fadhaiko, ndoani mtikisiko
Kucha huishi vituko, vyenye kuleta sikitiko
Walitafuta anguko, maafa mtiririko
Hasira ni udhaifu

Nakuomba kwa hisani, acha ubabe wako
Amani ilete ndani, nifaidi mke wako
Watoto wawe furahani, Jenga familia yako
Hasira ni udhaifu

@Mwanahamisi 'Mishy' Singano

A Married Man

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A Married Man

Contiguous is his smile, bright his brain
He smells sexy, and sounds sophisticated, too elitist to turn decent women on,
Smart and handsome, just like a movie star version 
He is the man I have met in my dreams and imagination since the day love is known
But he is married, Now that I have met him in person, 

I am not ashamed to admit, I am helplessly in love with him. 
I love his eyes, his ears, his style, 
The height of his neck and the stretch of his legs, 
The accuracy of his brain, his balanced sense of morality, 
The punch of his voice and calmness of his composure,
God, do I have to say it more …. Nampenda

But I am that girl, who believes not in being a mistress, 
Not because I am selfish and I need him to be my own – that is not pointless, 
But I can’t stand a thought of a tearing wife as he waits for him spending time with his mistress
Or the despair of his children – dad can no longer play games, busy being loved in secrecy 

A friend told me, all men cheat, 
If not with you, it will be with someone else, so if I love him, better be me!  That make sense, right? 
But would I be able to call him first thing in the morning when all I wanted to hear is his smooth voice to turn my sanity and make my day bright? 
Or it will be a life of steering on my phone hoping he will sneak a text between his meetings or wife's kitchen surveillance rights? 

The say, married men don’t love, they use, but I disagree, 
All I have seen in him is the loving of the highest degree. 
He doesn’t love me because there is trouble in paradise but simply because he loves … me-ee
Truth is I feel the same way. But our crime, meeting in odd times, the world condemns me-ee         

If you should know
Gallons of tears I have shed before God begging to make us connect  
Here he is, just like I prescribed with one minor mistake 99% correct
Can I real go back to God complaining that, he got one thing to correct?
How, will that not make me an ungrateful brat? 

I have met many men to surely know he is the one 
But I have not lived to enjoy the pain of anyone 
Should I love him as mine or let go and fight my feelings on my own. 
Brothers and sisters tell me am not insane! 

@Mwanahamisi 'Mishy' Singano

What's so Patriotic about Stiegler’s Gorge Project?

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What is patriotic and what is not between development and conservation? The Political Ecology of Stiegler’s Gorge Hydroelectric Power Project in Tanzania


By


In June 2017, the 5th administration made public its ambitious plan to build what would become the biggest power project in Tanzania. Expected to generate 2,100 MW of electricity, the Stigler’s Gorge Hydroelectric Project (HEP) will draw its water from the Rufiji River. The rationales given were: high energy demand for yet another government's ambitious plan of transforming the country into an industrial economy; and the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) project that would run on electricity.

Of course, you need reliable power to run the factories and indeed the train. That makes perfect economic sense. No objections!

The breaking news coincided with a backlash from local and international conservation groups who regarded implementing the project as signing a death warrant to the Selous Game Reserve (UNESCO’s heritage site) and socio-ecological systems, which are primarily dependent on the Rufiji River, especially in the lower course of the river. This is where livelihoods of hundred of thousand of people depend on irrigated paddy farming and where fishing and mangroves ecosystem flourish. A huge tension between the two sides was thus sparked and it is no secret that conservationists and environmentalists are now regarded as enemy to the project, in particular, and to the country or state, in general.
In this reflection, I attempt to make sense of claims from both sides of the debate and propose a compromise. In view of that, I argue that the move by the government to bring back the Stiegler’s HEP project on board comes as a desperate attempt to ensure that there is reliable energy supply after the recent drastic reforms in the energy and extractive sectors’ regulatory regimes. Similarly, the position that has been taken by conservationists and environmental experts does not necessarily imply conspiring with “imperialists” who wishes to see that Tanzania is economically doomed. Rather, they have been advocating for conservation policies and regulations that we, as a country, have embraced and even been praised for. 

As the 4th administration was about to enter its second and last term, Tanzania witnessed a bold move by the government to adopt what was then dubbed a “gas driven economy”. Legal and institutional reforms were made and the tone was set. It was then a high gear on gas and a lower one on hydro and thermal as sources of power. The cheerleader of the movement was the then Minister responsible for energy, Professor  Sospeter Muhongo.
 The country, therefore, witnessed a series of news headlines about discoveries of commercially exploitable natural gas deposits and it was high time Tanzania shifted to gas as a major source of energy, forsaking hydro and thermal ones, which were deemed burdensome given the siltation in our HEP dams. Global warming was aptly blamed for extreme low water levels and this resulted in high costs of running/hiring diesel generators. This is around the same period when we saw the plan (then) to build Stiegler’s HEP under the Rufiji Basin Development Authority (RUBADA) abandoned. 

In the first two years of the 5th administration, we have witnessed a radical shift in management of the economy, which I dare equate to undoing of the preceding administration’s economic outlook. It became very clear from the outset that the government was embarking on a state-led (or dominated, if I may) economic model. This is what Thabit Jacob, a Tanzanian researcher currently based at Roskilde University in Denmark and who has done extensive research on role of the state in the extractive sector, term as “The Return of the State.” 
Well, it was not declared as such, but the move to shake up tax and fiscal regimes, legal and institutional reforms in productive sectors, especially extractives, left no doubt that that is the way we were going. What most of us were told, is that this was a move to curb grand tax evasion, corruption, theft of the country’s natural wealth, and other forms of economic malaise. Natural gas exploration and extraction is one of sub-sectors that felt the impact of the reforms the most. For example, just recently, a global leader in the sector, Exxon Mobil, expressed its wish to sell its stakes in Tanzania. Coupled with recent oil and gas discoveries in neighbouring Mozambique, and possibly fairer business environment (in the investors perspective), facts are not so hard to find as to the current situation in Tanzania regarding the oil and gas economy. 

The TZS 700 billion ($308 million) allocated in the 2018-2019 budget for the Stiegler’s HEP is insignificant when one considers investment costs in gas exploration and, that is, if  the exploration are successful. I personally don’t see how the current regime can smoothly continue with gas exploration without joining hands with private investors (with financial and technological capital) whom seem to be quite displeased with the current developments. This only leaves the country with HEP as the most viable option given the current economic situation and our urgent need for energy. 

In May 2018, it was in the news that a new Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) on Stiegler’s HEP has been undertaken and completed. This brought to rest speculations that the 2009 EIA would be used for the project as currently proposed. Good news (to the project proponent) was that the new EIA has given a green light for construction work to proceed. According to the lead researcher for the EIA, Professor Raphael Mwalyosi, the proposed project’s impacts found were preventable. The researcher was quoted saying that "Our assessment has revealed that the project can be implemented without any form of fear. The only best approach is to set strategies that will prevent such environment impacts,"(Daily News, 13 June 2018)

Despite the good news, the EIA findings were later lambasted as unrealistic. Its lead researcher was accused of being unpatriotic, probably for airing some reservations (mitigation measures) regarding how the project should proceed with minimum negative impacts to the people and the environment. From the look of things, one would understand that the issue here is not about environmentalists not being patriotic. Rather, the urgency with which the country needs energy to feed its ambitious projects that are underway.
Hence, it seems, the government will stop at nothing to make sure there is reliable energy (let’s bother about sustainability later). It is quite unfortunate that this time around, it was environmentalists colluding with imperialists to derail the country’s development agenda. Ooh, so many enemies we have now! 

I still regard EIA as a very important component in any development project and, therefore, part of the development process. EIA is not anti-development as most would think but an assurance that what we do is sustainable and for the greater good. And, if I were to propose, a project of such magnitude as 2,100 MW HEP Dam warrants a Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) as its impacts will spill over several sectors of the economies and socio-ecological subsystems.

DIAMOND PLATNUMZ AND MORALISM IN TANZANIA

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“RAUNCHY” DIAMOND PLATNUMZ AND CREEPING MORAL CONSERVATISM IN TANZANIA


East Africa’s finest Afro-pop singer Naseeb Abdul, known by his stage name Diamond Platinum has once again found himself IN hot water after Baraza la Sanaa Tanzania (BASATA), the national art council, banned his latest single titled “Mwanza.” To my recollection, it is the fourth time the Bongo Fleva singer has been on the receiving end of BASATA’s stringent moral code. Bongo Fleva is probably Tanzania’s fastest growing industry in the last two decades (of course, with a little bit of tongue-in-cheek). It is made of “youth music” or, as known in the country, “new generation music.”

Bongo, i.e. brain, stands for Tanzania when it is parochially used, but it can also mean Africa if stretched to the pan-Africanist discourse. Mbongo, i.e. someone who uses his/her brain to survives, is a Tanzanian, but can also mean an African. Bongo Fleva, thus, means the flavor of Bongo, musically.  
The last time Diamond’s music was banned was early this year when he released Hallelujah and Waka Waka. It led to a heated exchange between him and the Deputy Minister of Information, Culture, Arts and Sports. Later in April, Diamond was made to issue a public apology after video clips of him and his girlfriend(s) enjoying intimate moments were posted online. It is not like they were caught in the act, just those little things most couple would do in private: like a lap dance, for instance. Such is the level of moralism sweeping Tanzania in the age of the internet!
  
A few weeks ago, the country’s film board indefinitely banned from acting a famous socialite, Wema Sepetu, after she posted a “sexually explicit” video of her kissing a boyfriend. Tanzania has a tough law in the Cybercrimes Act, 2015which makes it criminal to post online pornographic materials that are “lascivious or obscene.” She has since been charged of the offence and could face 10 years behind bars. 

Back to Diamond Platnumz, he is just a mega star. He is the country and region’s biggest export in the music industry. He has done collabos with international artistes, such as Nigeria’s famous duo P Square, Jamaica’s legendary reggae group Morgan Heritage, America’s A-list rapper Ricky Ross, Ne-Yo, and Grammy-winning violinist Miri Ben-Ari. He has 5.5 million followers on Instagram. He is constantly involved in relationship dramas where he has had multiple love affairs. He is a dream newsmaker for the notorious rumor mill. He is the country’s showbiz. 
But he is not Fela Kuti. Nor is he Vitali Maembe. Far from it.

I am a big Diamond fan. I once bumped into him in the waiting lounge at Dubai International Airport. I approached, greeted, and told him I was a fan. We shook hands graciously. I even asked for a selfie with him but his manager declined politely, saying they had denied the opportunity for a good number of people who were shoving one another to get a shot with the Bongo Fleva superstar“It’s not fair if we allowed you to take pictures with him in the presence of those we have refused,” suggested Sallam SK, Diamond’s usually boastful manager.

I understood, high-fived with the celebrity, and left. It was all cool.

As hinted above, his latest feud with BASATA follows the release of his single Mwanza. In fact, he is only featured in the song by his fellow Wasafi Classic Baby’s (WCB0 group member, the talented Rayvanny (stage name). WCB is Diamond’s label group. Mwanza was an instant hit. Two days after the release, the song was viewed nearly 2 million times on YouTube. The Mwanza fever caught the country’s youthful Environment and Union minister, January Makamba, who praised WCB for improved choreography and world-play. Hours later, the song was banned and has since been removed from YouTube, at least for Tanzanians.
Because of Diamond’s stature, anything that happens to him is equally big. It was a big ban, which ignited the debate on morality in the country, on the one hand, and the role of BASATA, on the other. Quite a good number of music releases have not escaped BASATA’s wielding axe, since the 5th phase government came to power in 2015. In March last year, rapper Ney wa Mitego was arrested after releasing a song that was deemed critical of the government. He was released after the Minister responsible for information said the President loves the song and has suggested improving its lyrics "to take on other issues, such as tax evaders, corrupt businesspeople and drug traffickers." Another song by rapper Nikki Mbishi titled I am sorry JK was also banned. In the song, the rapper artistically apologizes to the former president Jakaya Kikwete for criticizing him when he was in power, insinuating that his successor has been worse. That, in BASATA’s book of law, was equivalent to insulting President Magufuli.

So, what is in Mwanza to the extent that it was deemed inappropriate for the Tanzanian public? It is not clear since the statement from BASATA only points to “immoral” content. But there are two contentious parts of the song: Mwanza is the city in the North of Tanzania on the shores of Lake Nyanza (shamelessly colonizers called it Victoria). In the song, the singers sing about “Nyegezi”, a popular suburb in Mwanza. But they first set apart “nyege” from “nyegezi,” before demanding that they are taken to Nyegezi because that is where their home is. 
It is a soothing poetic, melodic word-play that leaves the listener in a metaphoric state of mind because “nyege” is a Swahili word for horniness! In another line, Diamond sings about a girl who goes to his house and she seductively alludes to having anal sex to which he responds that he is fearful of the law, therefore, won’t be tempted. Sodomy is a serious crime in Tanzania. The backdrop to this is a leaked sex tape of a certain Amber Ruty (female) performing sodomy with a male partner, causing a national furore.  “I am fearful of the law, I am not doing an Amber Ruty,” sings Diamond. That was enough for BASATA; the mere mentioning of sodomy in a homophobic, patriarchal society can land one in trouble.
Tanzania has seen growing moral conservatism in recent years, a development that must warrant a social scientific interrogation. Public offices have introduced a conservative dress code for both their employees and visitors. In some offices, normal miniskirts are deemed too short and revealing, the wearer would be blocked at the gate. Patched jeans are prohibited for visitors. In some places, it has been reported that local governments there have introduced corporal punishment against young people with sagging pants!
  
The justification given by moralists is always suspicious: the wazungu (white people) are destroying our culture, we are a nation of men and women of God! Recently, speaking against homosexuality during a parliamentary session, the Home Affairs minister, Kangi Lugola strongly maintained that his government is not about to succumb to forces of evil by condoning homosexuality. “Tanzania is a nation of the Holy Spirit,” he announced.
This growing moralism, together with shrinking civic space in Tanzania, has created a breeding ground for homophobia, misogyny, and moral conservatism which calls for purity. I have blogged about this elsewhere


Earlier I mentioned that Diamond is not Fela Kuti. Unlike Kuti, Diamond is a regime sympathizer. Time and again he has expressed his admiration for President Magufuli and his government. The Dar es Salaam Regional Commissioner who recently announced a manhunt on gay people is the WCB’s guardian. This political connection has created a wrong assumption that the country’s music prized asset is somehow untouchable. He seems to enjoy this status because he has not been outspoken when the government is wrong. To be fair to him, Tanzania now lacks militant art in the mainstream. And those in power love it.

Sometime last year, the Minister of Information, Culture, Arts and Sports advised musicians to compose songs that are not “political.” He used Diamond as an example of those whose music is not political but has reached stardom. He bizarrely warned artistes not to follow Fela Kuti’s way and end up as losers! However, the social and political context in Tanzania is leaving no one untouched. Not even Diamond. He may have avoided getting political, but the moral requirement imposed by BASATA has evidently failed him.
For an artiste of his stature, Diamond may be forced to radicalize. But only if he is aware of the power he has. It is a good sign he is now rivaling the country’s music establishment by organizing Wasafi Festival, an event that features nationwide music concerts. It is a project he says will emancipate the usually underpaid, undervalued talents of Bongo Fleva. He may want to use this platform and his stature to redefine our art. And our conservative morals, too.

Kwa nini Kusimamisha Majaribio ya GMO ni Ushindi?

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Kwa Nini Uamuzi wa Serikali kusimamisha Majaribio ya GMO ni Ushindi kwa Tanzania?


Awali ya yote, nipende kuipongeza Serikali ya Awamu ya Tano kwa usikivu wake na kuchukua hatua stahiki kuhusiana na sakata la mimea na mbegu Zilizobadilishwa Vinasaba (GMO) nchini. Kama mtafiti wa Uhuru wa Chakula, napenda kuihakikishia Serikali kuwa, wadau mbalimbali wakiwemo wakulima, walaji, wazalishaji wa mbegu wa ndani, watafiti katika taasisi zetu za Kilimo (mbali na wale waliokuwa wakinufaika na mradi wa WEMA), na wauzaji wa vyakula nje na ndani ya nchi wamefarijika sana na hatua hii. Namshukuru Katibu Mkuu wa Wizara ya Kilimo, lakini pia natambua suala hili ni la kisera hivyo kwa namna yeyote linamhusu Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania-Mheshimiwa Dkt. John Pombe Joseph Magufuli. Natoa pongezi za dhati kabisa kwa Serikali, na katika makala hii fupi nitaeleza kwa nini uamuzi huu ni wa kupongezwa.  

Kwanza, nianze kwa kukiri kuwa, hatua hii ambayo Serikali imechukua isingekwepeka katika nchi makini kama Tanzania. Lilikuwa ni suala la muda tu. Kuna watu wanaodhani maamuzi haya yamefikiwa kwa hofu tu isiyo na msingi wa kitafiti. Lakini nataka kuwatahadharisha kuwa Serikali ina taarifa nyingi zaidi kuliko sisi tunavyofikiri. Na kwa mwenendo wa kisera wa Serikali ya Awamu ya Tano, suala hili halikuhitaji mjadala wala barua za watu wasio na ushawishi wowote kutoka Mbinga au London. Lakini nitambue tu tamko la wakulima wenyewe, wakiwakilishwa na MVIWATA, huenda liliharakisha maamuzi haya muhimu kwa masilahi ya Taifa.  

Suala la kuruhusu teknolojia ya uhandisi-jeni, ni la kimkakati. Mara nyingi sana nimemsikia Rais akisisitiza Serikali inatekeleza Ilani ya CCM. Napenda kukumbusha tu kuwa Ilani ya CCM ya mwaka 2015 ndiyo mkataba halisi kati ya Serikali na Wananchi waliokichagua chama hiki ili kitawale kuanzia mwaka 2015-2020. Tathmini ya kina inaonesha kuwa CCM haikuahidi teknolojia ya Uhandisi-jeni (Genetic Engineering) katika kilimo kupitia ilani yake ya mwaka 2015. Mkakati huu ungekuwepo kwenye Ilani huenda tungesema kuwa watu wameuchagua pale walipoipigia kura CCM. Kinachoshangaza ni pale ambapo katika Mpango wa Pili wa Sekta ya Kilimo (ASDP II), uhandisi-jeni katika mimea, wanyama na samaki unatamkwa kama mkakati ya Serikali katika kilimo. Hali hii inachanganya. 

Lakini pia tathmini ya kina inaonesha kuwa, mkakati ya uhandisi-jeni umekuwa ukisukumwa na makampuni husika yatakayonufaika na teknolojia hii kwa kuzitumia taasisi zetu za utafiti. Kimsingi, Sera ya Taifa ya Baiteknolojia (National Biotechnology Policy), iliyopitishwa mwaka 2010 ina kila harufu ya ushawishi wa hiki tunachokiona leo huku masilahi ya taifa yakiwekwa rehani. Kiutawala, taasisi za utafiti nchini si watunga sera bali watekelezaji wa sera na mikakati ya serikali iliyopo madarakani. Jukumu lao kuu ni kutoa utaalamu wa kitafiti kwa serikali ili kuiwezesha kutumia ushauri huo katika kutunga sera na mikakati husika. 

Katika sakata la mbegu za GMO, Taasisi ya Utafiti wa Kilimo nchini (TARI) na Tume ya Sayansi na Teknolojia (COSTECH) wamefanya tofauti. Naam, hawakutimiza wajibu wao. Taasisi hizi zimenukuliwa katika vyombo vya habari kama makuwadi wa kunadi mbegu za GMO kuwa zinakuja ili kumkomboa mkulima mdogo. Sera ya Baiteknolojia inatamka wazi katika kipengele cha malengo ya jumla kuwa inakusudia tu kutumia faida zilizothibitika za baioteknolojia, huku ikilinda usalama wa jamii na mazingira katika matumizi ya faida hizi. Hii inatuonesha kuwa, tayari waandaaji ya sera hii, pamoja na ubovu wake, walijua kuna madhara ya teknolojia hii.

Ukisoma Eneo la Sera (Policy Issue) 4.5, sera inataka umma wa Watanzania upate taarifa sahihi kuhusu teknolojia hii ili kuwasiadia wananchi na watunga sera kufanya uamuzi utakanao na ufahamu (informed decision) juu ya matumizi ya teknolojia hii kwa maendeleo. Kipengele hiki kinaendelea kusisitiza taasisi hizi kutoa taarifa sahihi na zenye mlingano wa faida na madhara ya teknolojia hii. Haiishii hapo tu, taasisi hizi zinahimizwa kuandaa midahalo na mijadala kuhusu faida na madhara ya matumizi ya teknolojia kwa afya, mazingira, uchumi na kimaadili. 

Lakini TARI na COSTECH waliamua kuchagua upande wa kuzungumzia faida tu za GMO kwa niaba ya wawekezaji wakati  tafiti lukuki za kisayansi zilizofanywa sehemu mbalimbali duniani zinasema kuna madhara, kama nilivyoeleza katika Barua yangu ya Wazi kwa Rais hapo awali. Tumefanya mijadala na wawakilishi wa taasisi hizi mara kadhaa, siyo walioandaa wao, ila walioalikwa lakini wamekuwa wakiimba faida za GMO tu bila kueleza ukweli kuhusu madhara. Mbali na kuwa hawakutoa elimu yenye mlingano wa faida na hasara, lakini pale ambapo watu walijitolea kutoa elimu hiyo, taasisi hizi zilitoa matamko ya kutaka kuzuia mjadala. Hali ilikuwa mbaya zaidi pale ambapo hata vyombo vya habari vilikuwa na upande wa kuzuia mawazo mbadala dhidi ya GMO.

Kimsingi, taasisi hizi zinazoendeshwa kwa kodi ya Watanzania hazikupaswa kutuchagulia teknolojia na kutumia wakulima kushawishi mbegu za GMO na teknolojia ya uhandisi-jeni zipitishwe chinichini kama mkakati wa nchi. Hazikupaswa kuendesha propaganda za kushawishi umma kuzipokea mbegu hizi bila taarifa sahihi juu ya faida na madhara. Kwa kuzingatia athari za kiuchumi zitokanazo na mbegu za GMO, COSTECH na hasa TARI walipaswa kuhimiza utafiti unaoendana na kilimo chetu na kuwa mhimili mkubwa wa mageuzi ya kilimo nchini. Kiujumla, taasisi hizi hazikupaswa kuwa makuwadi wa makampuni ya nje yanayokusudia kutuletea ukoloni wa kikampuni. 

Kwa upande wa serikali yetu tukufu, kuruhusu kuanza kwa utafiti, na baadaye kutoa rukhsa ya matumizi ya mbegu za GMO ni jambo ambalo yafaa umakini uzingatiwe. Nafurahi kuona kuwa kanuni zetu za usalama wa viini hai (biosafety), zinaweka tahadhari kubwa sana, japo pamekuwa na jitihada za kuzimwagia maji kwanza kuruhusu utafiti. Lakini kuruhusu matumizi ya mbegu za GMO zenye athari katika maisha ya makundi mbalimbali niliyoyataja hapo juu, na nafasi yetu ya kuuza chakula ndani na nje ya nchi, ni suala ambalo haliwezi kuchukuliwa kwa wepesi. Kwa namna yeyote serikali ilipaswa kupata ridhaa ya jamii za asili za maeneo hayo (indigenous peoples) hasa kwa kuzingatia fasili ambayo inahusisha wakulima wadogo kwa misingi ya kanuni ya Free, Prior and Informed Consent(FPIC), yaani uhuru wa kuridhia kabla ya kitu fulani kufanyika.

Kanuni hii ya ridhaa ya jamii husika inawekwa na mikataba ya kimataifa kama vile Azimio la Umoja wa Mataifa la Haki za Jamii za Asili (UNDRIP), Mkataba wa Shirika la Kazi namba 169 (ILO Convention 169), na Sera kuhusu Jamii za Asili na Watu wa Makabila iliyoandaliwa na Shirika la Chakula Duniani (FAO). Sheria za kimataifa zinaweka wazi haki ya kujitawala (Right to self-determination) kwa jamii hizi ambayo ndiyo msingi mkubwa wa kuhakikisha kuna ridhaa kutoka kwa jamii za asili zinazoishi na kutegemea maeneo yanayolengwa. Hivyo basi, jambo linalobadili maisha yao kama hili la mbegu za GMO, kiuchumi, kimazingira na hata kiafya lilipaswa kupata ridhaa ya wakulima wadogo, ambao kimsingi ni asilimia kubwa ya wananchi wetu. Ukiniuliza mimi, kwa kuwa GMO inagusa pia jamii kubwa ya walaji wa mijini na vijijini, uamuzi huu unahitaji kura ya maoni (referendum).  

Lakini kuna baadhi ya watu wanaona ni jambo la ukakasi kuzuia utafiti huo wa GMO. Hoja hii imepata mashiko makubwa na inaoneka kuzuia utafiti ni kutokupenda  sayansi. Ieleweke pia, kupinga GMO inaonekana pia kama ni kupinga sayansi. Wasiwasi mkubwa pia umeoneshwa na baadhi ya wanafunzi wanaotaka kubobea katika teknolojia hii, wakihofu kuwa sasa hawatapata fursa ya kufanyia kazi ujuzi wao. 

Lakini utafiti wa GMO uliofanyika Makutupora-Dodoma ulikuwa na mwelekeo upi? Mwelekeo wa tafiti hizi ulikuwa kuhalalisha tu mradi wa mbegu za GMO kwa kuzitumia taasisi zetu. Utafiti huu haukuwa HURU wenye lengo la kuleta matokeo mapya, kama vile kujibu ukosoaji wa kisayansi uliofanywa na tafiti za wanasayansi wengine waliogundua athari mbalimbali za GMO katika mazingira, baianuai, na mtanzuko wa kisayansi juu ya usalama wa vyakula vya GMO kiafya. Inaonekana utafiti huu ulilenga uzalishaji tu kisha watafiti wanaumbaumba ripoti za tathmini za kiuchumi na kimazingira ili kuurubuni umma kuwa GMO hazina madhara yeyote. Na kimsingi, utafiti huu ulifanywa katika mazingira magumu ya hakimiliki (patent) ambapo wanasayansi wetu hawakuwa na uwezo wa kuifikia teknolojia halisi ya uhandisi-jeni bali kufanya majaribio ya kukuza mimea tu katika eneo la majaribio. Kampuni ya Monsanto imekuwa ikifanya majaribio ya aina hii katika kila nchi kama hatua ya kulazimisha mbegu na vyakula vya GMO vikubalike huku yenyewe ikiwa inahakikisha inahodhi hakimiliki mbalimbali za mbegu.

Ikumbukwe kuwa, Afrika Kusini, ambao walirasimisha matumizi ya GMO nchini mwao tangu miaka ya 1990 wiki iliyopita walikataa kuidhinisha mbegu za mahindi za Monsanto MON87460, MON89034, na NK603 zilizotajwa kuhimili ukame na wadudu. Lakini tathmini binafsi zilionesha kuwa uwezo wa mbegu hizi haukutofautiana na mbegu zinazozalishwa kawaida, na katika majaribio mengine mbegu za GMO zilikuwa na mazao hafifu kuliko mbegu za kawaida. Hii inadhihirisha kwamba Afrika Kusini wameanza kung’amua ujanja wa makampuni haya wenye lengo tu la kulikamata soko la mbegu. Lakini pia utafiti huu wa Afrika Kusini ulichukua miaka takribani mitano, lakini utashangazwa na utafiti wa miaka miwili (2016-2018) wa Makutupora halafu wanasema wakulima wanazihitaji hizo mbegu haraka, hata kabla tathmini huru haijafanyika. Utafiti huu haukuwa na malengo sahihi kwa masilahi ya Taifa na serikali ilikuwa na kila sababu ya kuupiga tindo.

Tathmini iliyofanywa na Chuo Cha Ulinzi cha Marekani mwaka 2011, inaeleza kuwa kuna uwezekano wa maadui kutumia GMO kama silaha ya kibaiolojia na kuleta madhara makubwa sana kwa jamii. Ripoti hii ya utafiti inatufungua macho kujua ni kwa jinsi gani teknolojia hii inapaswa kuchukuliwa kwa umakini. Mimi naunga mkono utafiti. Lakini kwanza ningeshauri Serikali iwekeze katika teknolojia hii na kupata wataalamu watakaoweza kufanya uhandisi-jeni wenyewe. Na taasisi zetu za kiusalama zinaweza kuwa mwangalizi mzuri wa tafiti hizi zenye lengo la kujielimisha kwa kushirikisha taasisi zingine na watafiti binafsi nchini. Hatuwezi kuacha uwekezaji huu kwa makampuni ya nje bila serikali kujiridhisha kuhusu faida na madhara ya teknolojia hii. Ningetamani watafiti wa Tanzania waje na matokeo huru ya faida na hasara za GMO. 

Lakini pia si lazima tufanye utafiti wa kila kitu hasa kama tuna vipaumbele vingine. Tafiti inapaswa kuwa kwa ajili ya msaada wa nchi, na teknolojia ni chombo cha kuleta maendeleo lakini si dira ya maendeleo. Tathmini inaonesha kuwa teknolojia ya uhandisi-jeni ni ghali, ila hatuwezi kusema tunachelewa kupata teknolojia hii. Ningeshauri tafiti zetu zijikite zaidi katika maeneo mengine ya kilimo ili kuboresha mbegu zetu zinazoweza kuzaa kawaida, kwani tafiti zinaonesha kuna uwezekano wa kuwa na mbegu za kawaida zinazohimili ukame na kuleta tija kubwa. Ni jambo la kushangaza pia kuwa Monsanto wana mbegu za kawaida zinazohimili ukame lakini wanaona hazitawapa mamlaka ya kutosha juu yetu.

Ujasiri wa Serikali ya Awamu ya Tano kuzuia majaribio ya GMO unatutia moyo sana. Pamoja na mambo mengine, Serikali ya CCM ikiongozwa na Rais Magufuli imekuwa jasiri katika kufufua ATCL kwa kununua ndege mpya; ujenzi wa reli (Standard Gauge Railway-SGR) ili kuboresha miundombinu na sekta ya usafirishaji; kuhakikisha taifa linanufaika na rasilimali zake kama vile madini katika sakata maarufu la makinikia; na imesimama thabiti katika nia ya kujenga bwawa la kuzalisha umeme (Stiegler’s Gorge Hydropower Plant), hatua ambayo itatupatia umeme wa uhakika. Katika mkakati wa viwanda, tumebakiza mkakati thabiti tu wa kuhakikisha Mkulima Mdogo analipeleka jembe la mkono Makumbusho ya Taifa, kwa kujengwa viwanda vinavyotengeneza zana za bei nafuu na za kisasa (motorized simple and affordable farm implements) zitakazoongeza tija katika uzalishaji.
 Pia tunahitaji utekelezaji wa Azimio la asilimia 1 ya pato la taifa kuelekezwa katika tafiti, ili taasisi zetu za kilimo ziweze kujikita katika kuboresha mbegu zinazoendana na utamaduni wa chakula chetu. Na mwisho Serikali inapaswa kuhakikisha mkulima ananufaika na kilimo kwa kuweka mazingira wezeshi ya soko la uhakika la ndani na kufungua mipaka ya nje ili Tanzania iwe inauza chakula bora na kisicho na unyanyapaa katika ukanda wa SADC, na Afrika Mashariki. Ukisoma Ilani ya CCM 2015 ukurasa wa 14-16 haya, na mambo mengine, ndiyo wakulima waliyategemea katika ASDP II na utekelezwaji wake mpaka 2020. 

Katika kufanikisha hayo, tunahitaji mikakati sahihi na GMO, mbegu na chakula chenye unyanyapaa duniani, haiwezi kuwa sehemu ya mkakati huo. Niliwahi kusema huko nyuma, Tanzania kama kitovu cha utalii Afrika tunapaswa kulinda vyakula vyetu kwa choyo kubwa, ili tusiwakwaze watalii wetu. Lakini pia kwa kuzingatia uwezo wetu wa kuzalisha, ambao mpaka sasa hatujauendeleza vya kutosha, ningetamani kuona Tanzania inakuwa chanzo cha uzalishaji na usambazaji wa vyakula salama Afrika huku vikiwanufaisha wakulima wetu na kuchangia ukuaji wa pato la Taifa na maendeleo.

Naipongeza tena Serikali kwa uthubutu na kuchukua maamuzi sahihi bila kupepesa macho. Katika sakata hili la kuzuia GMO nchini, Watanzania wameshinda. Pasi na shaka, uamuzi huu utakumbukwa siku za usoni.

Mungu Ibariki Tanzania!

The Genius of My President

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The Genius of My President 

Mwanahamisi 'Mishy' Singano

A significant number of the people I know are falling out of love with my president for so many reasons. Some claim he is not presidential, not compassionate and, of course, not a politician. Ironically, the latter was one of the qualities most of his aficionados  admired - the fact that he was not a typical politician. ‘Mechanical,’ they called him - he would deliver development without being politicized, they presumed.

Three years down the line, I look back on how it started and how we got here. I can’t help but feel admiration on how cleverly he has played his politics; smart, tough, and sequenced - virtually dealing with one thing at a time, almost in a chronological order. And in the broad day light - live televised. Such genius!
When he put a stop on the live broadcast of the parliament sessions, I thought this is a simply a mechanism to control information and shape the narrative. What I didn’t realize then is that I will not only miss out on information, but I will not recognize the faces of our Members of Parliament (MPs), I won’t know their names and what they stand for, I will not connect with them - the trust bond between me and them is gone. Most of them have become unpopular and less influential to the majority of us. But because he is the only one who is really watching, MPs now have only one person to impress - him. 

On the other hand, he has made himself a household name. There are live coverage of all his events and speeches, ensuring there will be new news from him or his famous press secretary every day. We talk about him, everywhere and every day, whether being in a romantic date, in a bar or dinner. Love or hate it, he is the most talked about person in the country even by the people who never used to follow politics beyond elections. Such awesomeness!
I guess we would all agree that his crackdown on the rich and the powerful was untraditional and innovative. He did not only pick up a handful of them and deal with them aggressively to the extent that the majority of the ‘other’ started to pack and go, but with the help of  his aiders, he also made sure that the drama aspect of these crackdowns are of high quality in terms of their viral effect. We know, at time, the drama and script didn’t match – but who cares? They served the purpose and that is what makes it super cool!
Another new entry to the history book is how tax has been used as a tool of punishment for businesses of all scales and shapes, with only two options given to the punished; accept the punishment with praises or close the business with praises as well. For those who have accepted to be punished, they then have to deal with Regional Commissioners (RCs) and District Commissioners (DCs) who often show up or call them, demanding contributions to build or host this and that. I bet socialists are having the best time of their lives. As he famously said, ‘the era of ‘the rich can do anything’ are gone, now, ‘anything can be done on the rich.’

Then there is - or there was - the opposition. I guess we all know how he is dealing with them. But one of the things that strikes me, is his effortless ability to make all of us realize that opposition leaders have a price tag too, they can be sold and bought just like pizza. ‘Standing for an issue’ is for only those who do not have the opportunity to enjoy the national cake with the rulers. Because of that, people feel cheated by the opposition. 

We are increasingly pledging our allegiance to our ‘frustrations,’ which serves the party in power. Less opposition MPs due to defection to the ruling party means fewer funds and human-power to run and build the opposition parties. Add that with the crackdown of the rich, and the limited scope of political parties' mandate as proposed in the political party bill, I see a boring, broke and starved opposition  camp come the 2020 elections. I swear, we are all set to vote yes. 
Media – Oh gosh, who would ever thought I will be only watching the Tanzania Broadcasting Corporation (TBC) TV right now, with about 90% of its programming praising our Commander-in-Chief? Laws and regulations have been enacted to make it harder for alternative narratives. What we have now is state of the art, well-thought through state propaganda system run by once celebrated critics of the state monopoly of the public media and the best part is, no one is really complaining. I am amazed. 

Of course, the Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) should have been complaining but most of them are dealing with their own state conformity. With new law demanding CSO to gazette all the funds received and ministries responsible holding the right to direct them on both ‘focus, and geographical coverage’, the level of CSO's self-censorship is at all-time record high. NGOs have turned to be New Government Organizations.

Satisfied with his subtle crackdown on the parliament, media, business, and CSOs/NGOs, the only group which was left were development partners. With the international community powers plus the actual money power, they can real make things hard to the rulers. The genius of my president set up a ‘frustration’ trap. As per its design, they are falling for it. I can imagine him on his sofa and popcorn, watching their every move, waiting for the right time to indulge them with other sets of frustrating drama until they leave him alone with his country, in any form. That aside, I strongly believe, he might not qualify for the Nobel peace price, but he definitely deserves a Harvard honorary degree for politicking.

Having all these achievements in 3 years, with majority of the citizens running their business as usual despite shrinking income and insecurities, is commendable. You can blame this on the apparent non-confrontational Tanzanians culture but never underestimate the influence of the men behind it. His political acumen has left many of us failing to predict and afraid to act. One of my good friend wrote, ‘confusion is his strategy.’ I see no confusion. All I see is determination, over-calculation and super-powered brain-coding of every move. 
The question is, to what end? Life-time presidency? What else?

The Blue Economy Agenda-A Resource Grab Scheme?

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The Blue Economy Agenda: New Dawn for Africa or just another resource grab scheme?

By

Ronald B. Ndesanjo
The World Bank defines the blue economy as sustainable use of ocean resources for economic growth, livelihoods improvement, jobs creation, and ecosystems sustainability. In simple terms, it entails the use of ocean resources for sustainable economic growth. This is what we have understood as blue economy until a week ago when the concept presumably got a whole new meaning to include inland water resources. Lakes and rivers were added to the economic equation.

This redefinition was presented during the Sustainable Blue Economy Conference held in Nairobi, Kenya between the 26th and 28th of November 2018. It was a meeting that touched on many things. But, more importantly, it was for mobilizing the global community to exploit the potential for economic growth, jobs creation, and poverty eradication that our blue resources offer.

Economic exploitation of our ocean (and indeed inland waters) resources is not a new thing at all. It dates back to antiquity. Therefore, the main question is: Why such heightened interest in blue resources now?
 The overall aim for the Blue Economy, as far as its propagators are concerned, is twofold: to harness economic potentials offered by oceans (and inland waters); and to restore the health of our blue resources and the ecological systems they support. I am tempted to regard the former as the real motive behind the current Blue Economy agenda. As for the latter, I see it as a mere campaign to legitimize the underlying economic motives.

We have seen this strategy working in other resource exploitation regimes. Be it forestry, wildlife, mineral ores, oil and gas - you name it. The key issue has always been whether there are tangible benefits to our local economies and small holders’ livelihoods. Let me share my reflections on this.
It is quite evident that there are very strong geopolitical motives behind the Blue Economy agenda, especially in the West Indian Ocean (WIO) region. The region is constituted by ten countries, namely Comoros, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique, Seychelles, Somalia, South Africa, Tanzania, and France. The region is valued at US$20.8 billion annually in “Gross Marine Product”. In contrast, the global ocean economy is valued at around US$2.5 trillion.

Hence, by comparison, the WIO economy seems small. But is quite significant given the economic situation characterizing its countries. This potential is likely to be scooped by global superpowers.

The European Union (EU) has already entered into a partnership with Morocco, Mauritius, Senegal, and Seychelles to reform the countries’ fisheries. As if that is not enough, the EU's target is to form coalitions on Blue Economy sub-sectors with at least 50 African countries. The EU, as a region, boasts 640 million euros of revenue and 3.5 million jobs in the Blue Economy and, from the look of things, the big boys want more cut in the sector. In doing so, where else to go than the West Indian Ocean region?

Interestingly, Seychelles was named, in the Nairobi meeting, as the floater of the first Sovereign Blue Bond; a 15 million dollar bond aimed at sustainable fishing and marine resources conservation. The money is coming from American investors with guarantees from the World Bank and the Global Environmental Facility. And this means business, big business. The big question is: what is in it for African countries in the region?

As I hinted above, the tone set in the Nairobi meeting made it very clear that even inland Blue Economy resources (Lakes and Rivers) are on the menu. This is where the potential locked in the Great Lakes regions come into the scene. One can’t help thinking of confirmed and potential oil and gas reserves beneath the Eastern Africa Rift Valley Lakes.
It has already been confirmed, for instance, that there are commercially exploitable oil and gas deposits in Lakes Turkana and Albert in Kenya and Uganda, respectively. The US Energy Information Administration (EIA) estimated (in 2013) that oil and gas reserves, respectively, amounting to 1.554 Billion barrels and 623.55 Billion cubic feet in the four East African countries of Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda. An Activity Map from the Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC) indicates that virtually all the major water bodies in the country are under exploration. Mozambique also has enormous potential for gas.

Thus, when one hears of promises of financial and technological support in sustainable exploitation and conservation of inland Blue Resources, it is not very difficult to tell what the real motives are. This is only oil and gas. Much can still be said about fisheries, tourism, and aquaculture potentials in the great lakes.
Now let us look at how this Blue Economy thing fits into the current East African situation. The first thing that comes to mind is the local (riparian) communities’ welfare. Lake Victoria's Basin, for instance, constitutes about 30 million inhabitants. About 70 percent of them are smallholders engaged in fishing, farming, and livestock husbandry. Equally important, the Lake serves as a source of food, energy, fresh water, shelter, transport, and environmental sink. Its fisheries are valued at US$800 pa. But, even in current standards, distribution of benefits (only from fisheries) is deemed inequitable with smallholders at the losing side.

Apart from potential investments in formalizing (economically) and protecting (for strategic reasons) Blue Economy resources, it still is quite vague how our local communities’ welfare will be safeguarded. There is no clear agenda yet on how local communities’ rights (access, ownership) to such resources will be protected especially after the big boys gain a foothold in the region’s Blue Economy sector. All I see now is what I dare call “blue PR” deceptively used to make an impression that global Multinational Corporations (MNCs) and their frontline institutions’ aims are socio-economically and ecologically friendly. 

Yes, the big boys will help us in regulating fishing, pollution control through the transfer of modern cleaner technologies, curbing regional insecurity, climate change mitigation, etc. But for whose interest really? Ours or theirs? Or both?
The bigger question we need to ponder about is how to protect our people and their economies from potentially negative effects following the influx of new, bigger and powerful players in the Blue Economy sector with new rules of engagement likely to see smallholders being pushed out of the equation. I am very optimistic about the benefits we stand to gain from the Blue Economy resource exploitation. But, we need to put our house in order and very fast so as to better position our people and our local economies as winners.

Re-aligning legal and institutional frameworks should be a top priority to regional bodies like the African Union (AU) and the East African Community (EAC). The AU’s Agenda 2063, for instance, is a potential platform for Africa to position itself strategically to win big from her Blue Resources. Aspiration number 6 of the agenda is quite pertinent here. It seeks to attain people-centered development by tapping the potential of African youths and women who are drivers of the economy. Some flagship projects of the agenda, such as as the African Commodity Strategy and Continental Financial Institutions, could be re-aligned to ensure our people benefit equally from the Blue Economy.  

At the East African level, regional institutions like the Lake Victoria Basin Commission (LVBC) and Lake Victoria Fisheries Office (LVFO) are better positioned to play a pivotal role in brokering for local communities’ interests. This goes alongside ironing out all problems, especially economic barriers (e.g. trade wars between Kenya and Tanzania) and streamlining transboundary natural (water) resource management mechanisms (ref. dispute over Lake Victoria’s Migingo Island between Kenya and Uganda). It is until this and many more are done when we, as a region, can confidently say that we are ready to do business or this Blue Economy epiphany will be just another resource grab scheme.

Is Machinga Identification equal to Recognition?

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Is Machinga Identification equal to Machinga Recognition? 

Mwanahamisi 'Mishy' Singano

In a surprising move, the president of Tanzania produced and handed over ‘Machinga Identification Cards’ to Local Government Authorities (LGAs) to be distributed to street vendors. Commonly known as ‘Machinga’ apparently derived from 'Marching Guys', these vendors are mainly based in urban areas. The cost of the new ID is TZSh 20,000 per card and the payment is to be sent to the central government via the Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA).

 These ID cards are said to have a security features which cannot be replicated – this means, they will only be accessible to those who have been ‘given’ them. When presenting the 2017/2018 budget speech to the parliament, the Minister of Finance reintroduced the formalization of Machinga. It entails registering all the Machinga and providing them with identification cards so they can be to be able to pay taxes. 

Machinga registration pilots were held in few areas, including Ilala. One of the key concerns of the Machinga during the pilot phase was the overemphasis of ‘registering them for paying taxes.’ Most of them felt that TRA running the registration process meant that the end goal is for Machinga to pay their taxes and not identifying them and their needs. In other words, it is not really about ‘recognizing them’ and their contribution to the economy, which should result into a strategic investment in the 'informal' sector. 
The new move from the President's 
office to issue these identification cards clearly addresses Machinga’s concerns of TRA being the face of ‘identification.’ But it raises more questions. It also fails to answer other key fundamental questions.
1. The Value of the ID– When the President unveiled Machinga IDs, he said that those with the IDs should not be ‘disturbed.’ Although this presidential order need to be commended and supported, there is more to be done than ‘leaving them alone.’ Most Machinga wants their identification to go hand in hand with capacity building, which should include improving trading environment – access to selling spots, toilets facilities, portage services, clean and secure environment, harassment-free markets and so forth. Just ‘living them’ to trade in a non-conducive environment is putting Machinga and their customers at risk and stagnating their growth. This does not mean Machinga want to be sent to the formal structured market, but rather, it is a quest for recognizing the 'informality' of their sector and investing in the services they need in the most convenient ways. 
2. ID without Individual Machinga Recognition– Most of the actors working on the 'informal' sector have called for the identification of Machinga in the sense that the government need to have an inventory of Machingas individually to know who they are and what they do. This inventory would not only result in the issuing of IDs, but it will also give the government information, facts and trends they need to make policy decisions. The IDs issued by the President Office are like ‘stickers’ that you buy and stick for identification. It carries no further information in terms of which ID belongs to which Machinga. Security features and serial numbers will only help to know if the ID is legit or fake, but it won’t detect if this ID belongs to a shoeshiner or mama lishe. The danger is that these IDs might be sold to others when they become scarce and precious. By using this model, the government is denying itself the right to have robust information/data on the Machinga as the only information they will have now is the number of Machinga based on the number of IDs sold out.
3. Lack of a Clear Definition of the Machinga– The Machinga sector has evolved tremendously within the last five years. Machinga have creatively and innovatively ventured into a range of new products and services, using cutting edge selling strategies, making the Machinga sector wide and fluid. A lack of clear criteria for defining Machinga will make it harder for the ID provision. Chances are different regions will provide ID cards to different groups based on their ‘perceived idea of who is a Machinga,’ which might deny others the right to be identified. 
4. LGA Revenues– Most LGAs used to collect trading fees from ‘Machinga’ that were used for servicing trading areas – i.e. cleaning, security, infrastructure development – among other things. Now, all of these funds will be going to the central government, a phenomena which will not only handicap LGAs to perform their functions better due to lack of resources, but also likely fuel conflict between Machinga and LGAs. Machinga will have higher expectation on service delivery now that they are identified through the President's Office IDs (which to them means they are recognized) but LGA’s will have low capabilities to deliver those services – given resources are now channeled to the central government contrary to fiscal decentralization. 
Identifying Machinga is an important stage in recognizing and supporting them to unleash their potential. However, to make the most out of the President's will and order the Government should not only ‘sell’ these IDs, but they should properly identify and capture key information and profiles of Machinga. Technology should allow LGAs to do this exercise effectively and efficiently.

All the resources from the selling of IDs should be retained at the local government level and channeled to the vending sector to improve the trading environment, especially in beefing up security. Women, people with disabilities and the elderly people should be prioritized in the identification process, even if that would mean subsidizing the cost of IDs. Last but not least, these IDS should not be tools of control and surveillance, but of access and mobility.

From Ghettoizing to Gentrifying African Studies

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Between Ghettoizing and Gentrifying African Studies

Chambi Chachage

From time to time we are treated to a powerful critique of, or contentious debate on, African Studies. This time it has come from Haythem Guesmi's viral article on 'The Gentrification of African Studies.' In a way, it is coming on the heels of Jean Allman's celebrated address on "#HerskovitsMustFall? A Meditation on Whiteness, African Studies, and the Unfinished Business of 1968." 

Two years ago it was another viral blogpost on 'Where is the ‘African’ in African Studies?' by Robtel Neajai Pailey. I recall how excited I was to read it. As a graduate student from the University of Cape Town's (UCT) Centre for African Studies (CAS), I could relate with most of the issues she raised about her experience there.

What I found so striking is why our academic paths had not crossed given that we both hail from the same continent and engage with the same field. "You may also find it interesting", I emailed her, "to read my experience below with the field: Chachage, C., 2007, Bringing African Studies Back to Africa: Beyond the African-Africanist Divides, paper presented at the 2nd AEGIS Conference on African Studies (ECAS)...." The self-promotion worked out. But promoting my relatively obscured paper is not the core purpose of my post today. It is an entry point into my main argument, though.

If you have noticed, the paper was written more than a decade ago. And it was presented in what Guesmi laments as the places in which it "is now routine for major conferences that focus on disseminating new research and findings on African culture and societies to take place." The first ECAS, which I also had an opportunity to attend, was held in London whereas this second one was held in Leiden. Where else could they be held? After all, ECAS stands for European Conference on African Studies and my other alma mater, the University o Edinburgh's Centre of African Studies (CAS), will host the next one in 2019 - the eighth ECAS.

Guesmi is apt in his lamentation on the difficulties that Africa-based scholars face in order to attend such conferences in the Global North. I won't repeat it here but I witnessed, first-hand, in the recent ASA annual meeting in Atlanta when I woke up early in the morning to listen attentively to an African scholar I have read but never had a chance to meet. He was not there due to unforeseen circumstances. Another one could not make it because of lack of travel funds. The panel of four ended-up having only two panelists.

Holding these conferences in Africa would surely be ideal. But it will only be a partial solution. The problem is not only ontological and geographical, it also epistemological and ideological. Take, for instance, the Review of African Political Economy's (ROAPE) bold decision to hold successive workshops in Accra, Dar es Salaam, and Johannesburg in 2017-2018. ROAPE's ideological foundation is Marxist, but its epistemological base is the West, notwithstanding some of its intellectual and political roots in Eastern Europe. This is why one of its contributors has recently queried why major African Studies conferences and journals hardly analyze capitalism, that is, the way Marxists do. ROAPE's workshop in Dar es Salaam which I participated in indeed attracted a number of Africans, but some of them raised scathing critiques of Marxism in relation to the need to use theories and concepts from Africa and its cultures/philosophies.

Getting visa and travel funds to attend conferences in Euro-America or holding them in Africa may be necessary, but, by no means sufficient conditions for resolving the epistemological crises of disarticulated knowledge production and dissemination. In fact, both can perpetuate the hegemony of western epistemologies and their respective disciplines in and on Africa. This is where, I am convinced, Guesmi misses the point. "The resulting displacement and exclusion of continent-based Africanists", he asserts, "have undermined the true purpose and identity of Africa studies; a pathological process commonly identified as gentrification."

By gentrification of the field, he means a marginalization process that has "altered the social character of its community and generated a new set of problems such as visa issues, academic hipsterism, and restricted access to critical research, which risks to permanently exclude continent-based scholars, undermine their crucial contributions, and eventually converts African studies into another impotent, banal field." This exclusion, however, goes a long way. When Philip Curtin questioned 'The Ghettoization of African History' in 1995, he was, in essence, attempting to guard the already exclusive gates of African Studies from 'Africanization.' 

Convenors of ASA's roundtable on 'Ghettoizing African Studies? The Question of Representation in the Study of Africa' in 1995 knew what he meant. For him and many others who could not dare air it public, the gatekeepers of the canons of African History and and African Studies in the Global North were mainly white male scholars. Only once in a while a couple of white women and black scholars would be allowed in the hallowed gates. The fact that it is only in 2018 that Olivette Otele has become the first black woman professor of history in the UK and yet she has to publicly weather criticisms on her credentials is a testament of how the exclusion runs deep. Africa is thus a preciously guarded academic jewel.

Paul Tiyambe Zeleza aptly referred to this battle for gatekeeping in the case of the US as the 'The Perpetual Solitudes and Crises of African Studies....' in 1997. "African Studies was pioneered in the historically black universities long before it became fashionable in the historically white universities," he notes, "but this fact was thrown into a historical ghetto of the U.S. racial imagination." In the 1950s, funds and other forms of support were channeled to the latter at the expense of the former and "so paternity of the field was wrested from W. E. B. Du Bois and given to Melville Herskovits."

Allman's recent powerful critique of Herskovits' role is therefore only a nuanced restatement of what African scholars have decried for over a generation. Or as a colleague who does not mince words has put in his tweet: "'The whiteness of African Studies will only be acknowledged if acknowledged by a white person' ~African Proverb #HerksovitsMustFall." What all these accounts reveal is that what Guesmi refers to as the true purpose and identity of the field remains contentious. His assertion that "African studies have always been for Africans and about Africans" does not hold water.

No wonder David Ndii has responded by tweeting: "African Studies is the pursuit of Africanists, not Africans, and it remains for the most part an appendage of imperialism." It is for the same reasons that we, Africans who holds degrees in African Studies, shy away from referring to ourselves as Africanists. As Zeleza has  argued in his book on 'Manufacturing African Studies and Crises',  the term "Africanist" denotes "the entire intellectual enterprise of producing knowledge based on a western epistemological order in which both educated Africans and non-Africans are engaged." We are African intellectuals who have stormed the gates of the field to get something out of it, not least because traditional disciplines also marginalize Africa. Like our critical African colleagues in those disciplines, we are struggling to decolonize the Study of Africa.

So, as long as the arduous task of decolonizing the Study of Africa -- be it by anthropologists, economists, political scientist, historians or others -- remains incomplete, once in a while we will be treated to viral critiques of African Studies. Probably Zeleza anticipated this when he thus stated in 1997: "In reading debates about African Studies over the last few decades I am struck by the persistence of the same questions." These nagging questions will remain until we transcend the epistemological order that continues to shape the academic disciplines that are deeply invested in studying Africa(s).

Until then, we will swing between ghettoization and gentrification. 

On Neoliberal Economies and Living Conditions

Bloody Injustice…

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Bloody Injustice…

Mwanahamisi 'Mishy' Singano

We all seem to know that women and girls have menstrual periods every month. It is common knowledge, right? But do we know its attendant bloody injustice that we are part of? If you don’t, then you are part of the problem… 

I am not a medical doctor, so, I will not try to explain the biological processes leading to women's menstrual periods or, as we call it in Swahili, hedhi. What I can only tell you is that menstruation is a normal biological routine for all mature women except those in menopause. As such, it is a health thing. What astonishes me, however, is how the sexist world has virtually decided to make this biological routine the most shameful thing. This is the case even though almost half of the world is bleeding every month.

 How unjust this is!

When I got my first period, 23 years ago, my mom did not talk to me – it's taboo. Instead, she called my aunts. They handed me pieces of the popular East African light cotton fabric known as khanga. The first rule was that NOBODY (that includes my mom, cousins, and relatives) should know when I am in my period. Could you imagine that? I was forbidden to talk about my own blood! The world can indeed be a strange place for some of us. 

They instructed me to dry my pieces of khanga under the mattress so no one else would see them. I was also ordered to avoid any unnecessary movements. This meant I should aim to stay home every time when I am bleeding! Then comes the other instructions:

'Mwanahamisi, don’t water flowers; don’t go to farm and harvest; don’t wash your father's clothes, don’t pray, don’t fast …, don’t …this, don’t… that.'

 There were so many DON'Ts than DOs to the extent that I felt my period is a punishment - and I hated it!

Luckily, I went to secondary school. One day the bell rang and all girls were asked to assemble in the school hall. A sanitary pads company was marketing its product. That was the first day I was introduced to sanitary pads. Mind you, I was not raised in a remote rural area, I was raised in a thriving urban center. Yet it took a company to come sell its products for me to know that there is another option than wearing a khanga! I decided to abandon khanga right away. But the struggle was real. It was so difficult to master the art of wearing pads with ‘wings’ without a 'master' to guide me. 

I also had to save my own meagre school stipends to buy pads. Why? Because I remembered what I was taught, that NO ONE should know that I am menstruating. If I asked my parents for money, they would definitely know. So, I didn’t. 

Years later, a clan of marital experts sat me down to prepare me for marriage. They told me again that my husband SHOULD NEVER KNOW that I am in my period. But this time I had my University degree and I was a half-baked feminist. So, I asked them, how will it be possible for a person ought to be my better-half not to know I am in my period? The answer was consistence: He shouldn’t!

They instructed me to hide my pads in my wardrobe. I was also taught signs to alert him covertly about my bleeding. And I was again showered with an endless list of DON’Ts. This time I made a vow not to obey. To my surprise, I find out that he too was made to believe that a woman's period is the thing he shouldn’t know about, talk about or care about. If anything, he should stay as far from me as he could - and he did. That was a systematic, first-class injustice!

Early last year, I took a pledge to contribute to the struggles to end this bloody injustice. I believe every woman has a right to have a decent period. This means granting all women unlimited access to information, services, facilities, and products they need for safer and healthier menstruation. While progress has been made, especially in urban centers, most women and girls are still battling bloody injustice. This is particularly the case in rural areas.

A few months into the pledged campaign, I was stunned at how uncomfortable people are to talk about a menstruation period and how little they know about it - men and women alike. In several WhatsApp groups where I made a deliberate decision to constantly talk about periods, I have witnessed men and women shocked when I post pictures of tampons and menstrual cups. These are middle-class Tanzanians who are exposed to a number of state-of-the art things but, when it comes to periods, they are still stuck in outdated teachings and taboos that may have served a useful purpose in the past. Yet they see nothing wrong about that. I feel the patriarchal world categorically makes it a mission to deny us up-to-date information and knowledge about periods. And because we know less, we can hardly complain how unjust this state of affairs is.

As a country, we still do not have comprehensive statistics on menstrual health. We have not documented, in a consistent manner, women experiences. It is estimated that only 20 percent of women in Tanzania are using improved menstrual products – mostly pads. The rest are using rags, cow dung, banana leaves, pieces of mattress, etc. Lack of facts and figure limits our ability to make informed policy decisions, which leads to a vicious cycle of shamefulness. Our society generally rejects systematic, open conversations on periods and our policies are equally blind. Hence, this is a state-engineered and society-endorsed kind of injustice.

Nonetheless, I am grateful to the tax exemption decision on sanitary pads that resulted from a public outcry against the bloody injustice. It was a step in the right direction. First, prices have gone down – at least from most wholesalers   yet a lot need to be done to ensure the same is reflected to the last-mile consumers. Second, taxing menstruation is hardcore patriarchy, so, I am thankful that a bold statement has been made that periods should NOT be taxed.

 Now, what is left is 'normalizing' periods and ensuring they are factored in our thought processes and reflected in our planning and implementation across the board. As one feminist has aptly asked: "What would happen, for instance, if suddenly, magically, men could menstruate and women could not?" In the case of Tanzania, the answer is also indeed clear: Periods will surely be prioritized.

In 2019, we should all take a minute to imagine menstrual experience of girls and women living with disabilities. Most of them constitute the majority of poverty-stricken families, hence, with less likelihood to afford sanitary products from the market. "I wish I could be able to wash my period rags, but I don’t have hands and I feel bad for my relatives who are doing that for me and I totally understand when they get tired to do that sometime, I would be tired washing someone’s blood every month too," said one of the amazing young lady living with physical disability that I talked to.

We  should also think of women in custody/jail with no access to improved menstrual products and decent facilities like running water and toilets. To date, we know little of menstrual experiences of those women, especially in countries where remands/prisons are crowded. Like other women, they also have a right to safe periods.

People living with HIV/AIDS (PLHA) in poor conditions also suffer a lot from bloody injustice due to lack of protective gears for their carers and limited access to sanitary pads. In my conversation with a woman who cares for an AIDS patient, she stressed that the biggest challenge is when the patient is in her period. Washing her periods' rags became sensitive and concerning to both of them. 

While some of us are committed to break traditional barriers in 2019 by 'normalizing' periods, challenging taboos, and involving men to talk and care about menstruation, the government can easily ensure women in custody, PLHA’s, and people with disabilities especially in schools have access to menstrual products, facilities, and knowledge they need to bleed in decency. It’s not that hard. The government has to be intentional and strategic by channelling available support to communities, which need them the most. 

To my fellow women, let’s be a bit adventurous in 2019. May we commit ourselves to learn more and talk often about our periods. Let us upgrade our experiences. You don’t deserve to be stuck on what your gramma told you. Spoil yourself with ‘new menstrual trends’ in town. To husbands and fathers, be part of the solutions.

 Otherwise, we will remain part of the continued bloody injustice…

 Happy New Year!

Kongamano la Kuenzi Mchango wa Karim F. Hirji


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